The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Christian Patriotism
The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Christian Patriotism
Author:
James A. Aho
Publisher:
University of Washington Press
Date of Publication:
1990
ISBN:
029597494X
Rating:
10
Summary:
Engaging look at the right-wing Christian movement in Idaho.
The book aims to explore both what makes right-wing Christians or ‘Christian Patriots’ tick as well as how individuals come to join the movement. The focus of the book is on Christian Patriots in Idaho both because the author’s institutional affiliation is in Idaho (researchers aren’t above convenience) and because Idaho was (and still is) a hotbed of Christian Patriot activity (see p. 7). The author does talk briefly about the origins of the movement, but the focus of the book is more on reported motivations of the movement members and movement framing than on the origins.
The author’s approach to studying the right-wing Christian movement is actually novel in the sense that no one had previously gained access to the movement to the same degree that the author did (p. 26). While his sampling method is not the most rigorous (snowball sampling, see p. 28), given the sensitive nature of the study, it is adequate and yields convincing information. In addition to interviews, the author attended numerous Christian Patriot events (though did not consider himself a ‘participant’), including conventions, meetings, and even cross burnings (p. 32).
What, then, is right-wing Christianity or Christian Patriotism? As the author explains it, Christian Patriotism is a fusion of fundamentalist Christianity and devotion to the Constitution of the United States (p. 67). The ‘ideology’ of Christian Patriotism is labeled by the author as ‘the politics of righteousness’. This ideology pits the patriots against “a satanic cabal that has insidiously infiltrated the dominant institutions of society… The goal of this cabal is to subvert God’s will… by promoting, among other things, equal rights for “unqualified” ethnic and racial minorities, non-Christian religions such as “secular humanism,” and moral perversion – pornography, homosexuality, abortion, crime, and usury” (p. 15). Christian Patriots, therefore, oppose anything they can connect to this cabal, including Jews, blacks, the government, academia, and so on. The limits of their prejudice stop, basically, at their front door – if you aren’t a Christian Patriot, you’re the enemy.
As noted above, the aim of the book is to answer two questions: (1) What makes Christian Patriots tick? (2) How do people come to join the movement? As the answers to these questions overlap, I’ll discuss the author’s answers to both of them together. The author tests several popular hypotheses concerning involvement in right-wing groups and finds many of these theories lacking. One of the more prominent ones is the idea that participants in these groups have less education, which is what makes them vulnerable to participation in such hate-filled groups. But the author actually finds that, while there are differences in the forms of education and where the education took place (predominantly in sectarian institutions for movement members), Christian Patriots have as much and possibly more education than both average Idahoans and average United Statesians (see p. 139). The difference in where the majority of Christian Patriots received their education is important as it specifies the relationship between education and right-wing extremism, “Evidently, years of formal education alone are not sufficient to erase predispositions to intolerance and conspiratorialism. Although this is by no means certain, the sample appears to have entered fields of study and attended institutions of higher learning not particularly noted for instilling a cognitive commitment to democracy. This means that the educational theory of extremism is not disproven, but specified. Even highly educated individuals ungrounded in traditional liberal arts disciplines may not remain committed to democratic principles when subjected to social stress” (p. 146).
Since education – or lack thereof – is not the answer to why people join the Christian Patriot movement, the author turns to other possible factors. One factor the author argues contributes to one’s tendency to become a Christian Patriot is religious affiliation. The majority of Christian Patriots belonged to fundamentalist Protestant religions (see pp. 171 & 174). The author argues that while these religions do not, in themselves, make Christian Patriots, they do prepare one for the extremism of Christian Patriotism by teaching their adherents about doctrinal absolutes and by framing certain groups of people (Jews, in particular, but also secular humanists) as the cause of humanity’s problems.
But the biggest determinant of involvement in Christian Patriotism isn’t religious background or educational attainment but rather social connections. According to the author, individuals joined the Christian Patriot movement primarily because they knew someone in the movement. It is only after they join the movement that they completely adopt (to whatever degree they are going to adopt it) the ideology and beliefs of the movement (see pp. 187-189). According to the author, the probability of someone joining the Christian Patriot movement without having social connections to it in their network of associates (e.g., co-workers, friends, family, etc.) is virtually nil. But if the connection exists and some of the other factors are in place, namely an amenity to belief (actually believing before joining is not necessary), then the option of membership is present.
In summary, Christian Patriotism is a modern social movement with roots in American Israelism and white power movements (e.g., the Klu Klux Klan). It combines Christian fundamentalism with right-wing political views resulting in extremist positions on taxes (not paying them), the government (not liking it), and racial and ethnic prejudices (everyone but whites are inferior). People enter the movement through social connections, but may be pre-disposed to participation through certain variables, including: religious background (predominantly fundamentalist Christianity) and education at Christian universities in disciplines where their prejudices are allowed to remain intact.
Review:
This is an excellent exploration of what makes Christian Patriots tick. The findings are insightful, if not particularly shocking or groundbreaking. They are certainly noteworthy, however, as the findings illustrate that past explanations for participation in such groups are ill-founded to some degree (lower education attainment and social isolation theories in particular).
One point made by the author (but not discussed in the summary of the book above) involves the connection of Mormonism with Christian Patriotism. Interestingly, almost one third of the individuals the author interviewed are Mormons. The author is clear in explaining that right-wing Mormons who belong to the Christian Patriot movement are not typical of Mormons in general, but does note that Mormon dogma, like fundamentalist Protestant dogma, can predispose individuals to participation in the movement (p. 47). However, and this is the truly interesting part of this finding, another element of Mormon thought, the affinity and alleged kinship with the House of Israel (or Jews), works as a sort of ‘immunity’ “from directing their enmity onto Jews” (p. 176). Mormons are Constitutionalists and conspiratorialists, but seldom are they anti-Semites (though they may hold prejudicial attitudes toward other racial minorities). As a scholar of Mormonism, I think Aho’s depiction of radical Mormons involved in the Christian Patriotism movement is accurate, noteworthy, and informative.
There are a couple of ideas discussed in the book that I either didn’t find convincing or questioned. For instance, on page 68, Aho argues, “Media images of right-wing extremists as neo-Nazi haters, perhaps even crazy, do not entirely jibe with the data I have assembled. This does not mean that the media have consciously distorted the facts. Rather, there appears to have been an error of omission, an error fraught with potentially tragic policy implications” (p. 68). While I can understand Aho is trying to point out that not all Christian Patriots are neo-Nazi’s and anti-Semites, which, given his findings, is undoubtedly true, there is a reason why people have a negative impression of Christian Patriots. In fact, Aho gives a good reason just 11 pages before this quote, “After serving another prison term, this time for welfare fraud, Gilbert gained local notoriety for his swastika-inscribed, camouflaged Volkswagen, Storm Trooper uniform, and a dog who, it is reported, was trained to lift his paw whenever his master uttered “Seig Heil”" (p. 57). I think Aho’s approach is far more balanced than the treatment Christian Patriots usually receive in the media, but, even so, it is a bit disingenuous to claim that members of the movement are just ‘normal’ people. Obviously they are not just ‘normal’ people or Aho would not have chosen to study them (see quote from p. 209). They may not be THAT different, but they are different and the difference is what makes them noteworthy.
While I am critiquing Aho, I should also point out that his discussion of American Israelism is pretty superficial and, while I’m hesitant to say this, I don’t think very accurate (see pp. 51-52). A much more detailed and what I believe to be more accurate discussion of American Israelism can be found in Armand Mauss’s book ‘All Abraham’s Children’ (2003). Aho situates the origins of American and British Israelism in the 1840s. Mauss clearly illustrates that these ideas pre-date the 1840s, though not by much. Even though I don’t think Aho’s treatment here is very good, it is not an integral part of the overall discussion or findings and therefore can be downplayed in rating the book.
I should also note that Aho, while definitely objective, takes a naturalistic approach to understanding Christian Patriotism (as most serious social scientists do). One good example of this approach is his analysis of a classic religious technique for illustrating a god’s favor, “This kind of tautological reasoning – How do we know we are chosen? Because we are favored. How do we know we are favored? Because we are chosen – is the sort of analysis used by inhabitants of any self-constructed world to demonstrate its veracity” ( p. 113). Aho is clearly pointing out here that Christian Patriotism is a socially constructed worldview. Members of this worldview use post hoc reasoning to find god’s favor regardless of the event. If something bad happens to the movement, they are either being punished or the forces of evil are working against them. If something good happens, god is favoring them. There is virtually no way to break individuals out of the cycle and attribute events to naturalistic causes. It’s a wily technique, but powerful and convincing. That Aho frames this type of logic as he does illustrates his naturalistic approach.
Overall, I highly recommend this book for anyone interested in understanding right-wing Christian extremists in the U.S. today. The book is insightful, but careful not to over-extend its findings. It provides a clear explanation of why people join movements like this one and objectively presents the evidence gathered. It would certainly be going to far to say Christian Patriots are like everyone else, but James Aho presents a convincing case as to why it is erroneous to think Christian Patriots are just a bunch of crazy mountain men. Social conditions seem to coalesce around these individuals to provide an optimum scenario for conversion. Joining one of these groups may not even be probable for the majority of United Statesians, but after reading this book you will understand why it not only is possible for some, but is happening.