Number of Views: 33
Fox, Jeffrey C. 2006. Latter-Day Political Views. Lexington Books.
Rating:
6
Summary:
Jeffrey C. Fox’s book, Latter-Day Political Views, raises an intriguing question: Are Mormons politically homogeneous? This book brings some intriguing data to the discussion of this issue, though it has some limitations.
The book sets up the question of the homogeneity of Mormons by referencing a number of prior studies that focus almost exclusively on the political views of Utah Mormons. Fox’s argument is that Mormons from Utah may very well be politically homogeneous given all of the things they have in common (e.g., religion, race/ethnicity, culture region, proximity to LDS headquarters, etc.), but as soon as you leave Utah, Mormons become substantially more heterogeneous and other factors begin to influence their political views. As Fox puts it, “German Latter-Day Saints, for example, would resemble other Germans more than they would Mexican, French, or Somoan Latter-Day Saints” (p. 10). At the global level, this argument is compelling and makes sense; with Mormonism or any multi-national religion, you are likely to find inter-national diversity and intra-national homogeneity (though I can think of a few exceptions – e.g., Jehovah’s Witnesses). But this argument also states that Mormons outside Utah are politically different from Mormons inside Utah, which isn’t as compelling. Unfortunately, there is very little recent data to test this latter issue (Mauss’s survey of Mormons in Utah and the Bay area, which is re-analyzed in this book, addresses this, but is dated), and this book doesn’t address the inside/outside Utah question either. Instead, this book focuses on two questions: (1) Are Mormons outside the U.S. different from Mormons inside the U.S.? And, (2) is there variation in political views among Mormons in the U.S.?
Another important element of this book is the discussion of the basic assumption of the book: that religion influences political views. Given the focus of the book – Mormon political views – it makes sense that the underlying argument is that being Mormon influences one’s political views. But the author doesn’t just assume this to be the case. Instead, he talks about some of the major criticisms of this assumption: (1) there aren’t always clear positions on political issues within religions, (2) you have to control for other political and regional cultural influences, and (3) measuring this directly is basically impossible (p. 13). Having faced a similar issue with some of my research, I think the first two criticisms are addressable, and Fox does an okay job addressing them. But the third issue is not as readily addressed; in order to accurately capture the influence of religion on political views a level of measurement is required that is basically impossible to attain. You’d have to track individuals over time and be able to peer inside their heads to observe how religion influences their personal views. That, of course, isn’t going to happen. Thus, we are left assuming that, if you control for criticisms 1 and 2 above, you can infer that it is religion that is influencing attitudes and not something else. This isn’t always a compelling argument, but I guess that’s as good as we can do in the social sciences.
This leads me to the methodological approach in this book. In order to address the questions that interest him, Fox uses a purposive sample of active, long-time Mormons from the U.S. (26), Canada (11), and Mexico (14). The total sample is 51 active Mormons. While the obvious criticism of non-random sampling is applicable, I can understand Fox’s approach as well: he forewent representativeness for depth of analysis. Even so, the sample is one of the major limitations of this book. In order to control for other political and regional influences (criticism #2 above), you really need a comparison group. Fox skirts this requirement by arguing, perhaps inaccurately, that respondents from different countries are “necessarily” different as a result of the cultural influence of their respective countries, alleviating the necessity of comparison groups. For example, Fox asserts that Canadian Mormons support universal health care because it is the norm in Canada. That’s probably true, but, in a sense, he is now layering an assumption on an assumption: Canadian Mormons differ from: (1) U.S. Mormons because of their Canadian culture, and (2) from non-Mormon Canadians because of their Mormon culture. Again, that is probably true, but this is a good illustration of how making arguments concerning the influence of culture on individuals is limited. How many cultures can influence an individual? If it is more than one, can you ever really separate out the influences?
In addition to the limitation of the sample size, the sampling methodology is unclear and potentially problematic. Fox describes his sample as, “ balanced in terms of gender, income, and political party identification” (p. 57) but it is unclear clear what he means by “balanced.” Fox does report in Table 4.1 the genders, ages, and political party identifications of the respondents, but this isn’t summarized in a table or in the text. Here’s what I calculated: 19 women, 32 men; average age is 43.31; 11 Democrats (US), 15 Republicans (US); 10 participants with only a high school education, 41 with some college (how much isn’t clear); 2 Africans, 1 Hawaiian, 6 Latinos, 1 Maori, 5 Native Americans, 1 Puerto Rican, 2 Samoans, 33 Caucasians. According to Heaton, Bahr, and Jacobson (2005), 23% of Mormons are Democrats while 50% are Republicans (leaving another 27% as independents). Fox isn’t too far off, but I wouldn’t necessarily consider his sample balanced on this factor.
Additionally, how these individuals were recruited is not clear. In the acknowledgments, Fox mentions he did some interviewing on vacations with his family, but I’m not sure what that means in terms of recruitment. In Chapter 5 Fox reveals some of the occupations among his respondents; they include: a Mayor, a Congressman, and other political activists. That doesn’t seem particularly representative of Mormons. If the goal of a research project is to illustrate that there is variation in Mormon political views, you can illustrate that to be true by either surveying lots of people to show there is variation (Heaton et al.’s approach), or you can find a bunch of people who differ from the stereotype and interview them. That appears to be what Fox has done. Unfortunately, the second approach isn’t really going to answer definitively whether and/or how much variation in political views there is among Mormons as it is, in essence, sampling on the dependent variable: Fox found people (how, we don’t know) who fit his criteria for non-stereotypical Mormons and then used them to say Mormons are not stereotypical. That’s a circular argument. I do think Fox is right that there is variation, but this is a serious limitation of the study.
Fox uses three different data collection techniques to triangulate political attitudes. He did some initial interviewing to generate his measurement instruments, used Q sorting and a survey to gather the bulk of his data, then interviewed a few more people. Q methodology is a forced choice ranking technique in which participants evaluate a series of statements based on their level of agreement with them. The rankings are then factor analyzed to generate groups, which appears to be a type of cluster analysis (though with Q sorting you can belong to multiple groups, which seems odd to me). Based on his study of Mormonism and the official and unofficial positions of the LDS religion on a number of political issues, Fox geared the questions in the Q sort and the survey instrument to test agreement with the following positions of the LDS religion:
- Social and Moral Issues
- Endorse traditional “family values”
- Concern with moral decline and attribution of moral decline to the media
- Oppose abortion and gambling
- Capitalism and Economic Issues
- Place high value on private property and economic self-determination
- Low support for redistribution of power and wealth
- Low support for environmental regulation
- Emphasize self-reliance versus government provision of basic needs
- Are trusting of government and deferential to authority
- Oppose socialized health care
- Military Spending and Foreign Affairs
- Support military spending and interventionism
- Support free trade
- LDS Issues
- Have a high view of the inspired Constitution, and of the U.S. as a “light unto the world.”
- Vote and pay attention to politics
- High hope in the future and high political efficacy
- Strong focus on “law and order”
- Highly individualistic outlook
- Miscellaneous Issues
- Oppose gun control
- Oppose affirmative action
The Q sort indicates there is some variation among Mormons on political attitudes (though Fox admits these findings are not generalizable beyond his sample). Fox derives six distinct groups (the number in each group is in parentheses), which he labels:
- A: Pro-US Social Conservatives (21)
- B: Pro-US Libertarians (14)
- C: Pro-US Optimistic Liberals (9)
- D: Pro-US Alienated Liberals (8)
- E: Ambivalent-US Communitarians (17)
- F: Ambivalent-US Moderate Libertarians (5)
While six groups are initially derived from the Q sort, when plotted in two-dimensional space, it becomes apparent that there really are, at most, 3 or 4 groups (C and D group together, as do E and B). Additionally, a correlation of the Q factors (p. 58) illustrates that they are all highly correlated, which means every one of these groups has a lot in common. Fox attributes this to a shared superfactor: “a high level of optimistic US-centric moralism” (p. 86). This finding left me wondering if the differences are, in fact, an artifact of the methodology. If participants did not have to rank the statements but could, instead, rate them independently, would minor differences still result? The findings from the survey seem to indicate there would be some differences, but I don’t believe they are different enough to allow groupings.
Additionally, without non-Mormons in the sample, I have to wonder if this analysis is finding lots of mini-clusters within a large cluster. If, for example, we pretend we can measure political views on a single continuum (we can’t, it’s multi-dimensional) and that continuum ranges from 0 to 100, it may be the case that Mormons generally fall in the 80 to 90 point range on that continuum. Rather than recognize that they all fall in a 10 point range, Fox is asserting that there is a substantive and important difference between 80 and 90 (and between 83 and 85). He is basically zooming into a single cluster and finding clusters within the cluster. Without comparison groups, I’m left wondering if what Fox is doing is detecting mini-clusters (A, B, C, D, etc.) within a larger cluster (Mormons) that is quite removed from other clusters (e.g., ultra-liberal feminists, socialists, or gay rights activists). What is this really telling us?
Following the Q sort, Fox looks at variations in attitudes by nationality. While the sample size really is too small to do the statistical analysis that Fox does, this part of the book was, to me at least, the most compelling argument that cultures other than religion influence attitudes. As noted earlier, almost to a person the Canadian participants supported universal health care while few Americans did and no Mexicans did. Given the limitations with the sample, this certainly isn’t generalizable, but it does fit with general perceptions of what Mormons in these respective countries might believe. Unfortunately, the analysis by race is even more limited by the sample size, but it, too offers some intriguing insights: racial/ethnic minorities have more socially progressive views across the board than do the racial/ethnic majority groups. Again, this is not surprising, but it adds credibility to Fox’s arguments.
To bolster the reader’s confidence in his findings, Fox turns to additional data sets. He uses the National Election Studies (NELS), Armand Mauss’s 1960s survey of Mormons in Utah and the Bay Area, as well as a KBYU exit poll data set. For the most part, these data sets support the arguments developed by Fox. The NELS data set is generally considered an excellent dataset, but Mauss’s data is now over 40 years old, predates the change in race policy and even the push toward correlation. Generalizing from 40+ year old data to Mormons in the U.S. today is not very compelling. The KBYU data set, of course, is only from Utah, but Fox uses it to illustrate his point that Utah Mormons may be different from non-Utah Mormons; given its application, I don’t think there is a problem with the KBYU data set. Combined, the additional data sets are a good addition, but better data sets are now available (see Heaton et. al. 2005).
There are some other very minor issues that warrant mention in passing. There is a lengthy yet unnecessary discussion of the early prosecution of Mormons. I think this was supposed to tie into the political views of Mormons, but how it was supposed to tie in isn’t clear to me. In presenting the results for the Q sorts, only the significant statements for each group are presented, which makes it impossible to compare the groups. Readers are left taking the author’s word that they are really different. There are a few places where the author makes blanket statements that are unfounded, (e.g., “Church members always look to their leaders for guidance…” p. 29). These are unfortunate distractions in an otherwise well-written and carefully worded book (though there are quite a few typos and some table formatting issues that make them hard to read).
Ultimately, Fox concludes that, “… white Western Saints are a fairly homogeneous minority within the worldwide membership of the church.” That is probably overstating the case; but I’m not alone in that assessment. Fox also admits that, “the LDS conservative stereotype is correct in one sense. It is very unlikely that one will find significant numbers of textbook liberals among church members, particularly those who favor social libertarianism” (p. 161). I think this last statement from Fox is accurate. But I also think the broader issue, that Mormons are not homogeneous, is a bit of a strawman: most people already believe there is diversity among Mormons, but that diversity is within a cluster, not between clusters. Latter-Day Political Views does provide some useful data illustrating inter-national diversity within that cluster, but this really is just a first step and not the definitive work.