Wald, Kenneth D. 2003. Religion and Politics in the United States. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Rating:
10
Review:
I read this book as a text for a class on religion and politics. One of the assignments in the course was to write thought papers on each chapter of the text. Overall, the book is excellent and I would highly recommend it for a class on religion and politics. It is well-written, comprehensive and very informative. What follows are the thought papers on the chapters.
Chapter 1
Wald begins by presenting a case that the U.S. remains a highly religious society. His argument seemed to culminate in a quote I found disturbing. Wald says, “To the extent that such things can be measured, religious feeling, like religious institutions and practices, has survived intact in probably the most “modern” society known in history” (p. 12). Claiming religion, with its accompanying feelings, has remained intact, is really going too far. Yes, religion has survived, but I believe religion has changed dramatically since the founding of America.
Where these claims get interesting is in the admittance by Wald (p. 13) that he is purposefully exaggerating levels of religiosity in the U.S. to make the point that it is important to understand religion in order to understand U.S politics. This is a valid point. Nevertheless, as the case against secularization is still a raging debate in the sociological literature on religion, I was convinced by the evidence Wald had mustered that he fell down on the side of the anti-secularizationists (e.g. Hadden 1987).
Even though Wald admits he is exaggerating the case for a religious America, by the end of the chapter I was still under the impression that Wald is a skeptic of traditional notions of secularization. This impression stems from the fact that Wald does not qualify statements like the following, “Religion has certainly been touched and influenced by the modern world, but it is more accurate to speak of secularization as adjustment and adaptation than to employ the image of decline and fall” (p. 14). Without qualifying this statement to the U.S., Wald gives the impression that he does not support traditional secularization theory at all when, in fact, traditional secularization theory seems to have accurately predicted the decline of religion in every modernized country in the world except the U.S.
Chapter 2
I found two points interesting in Chapter 2. The first was Wald’s definition of religion (p. 25). The definition claimed that religion was a sense of wonderment or awe at the world and/or humanity’s connection with nature and its place in the world. I disagree with this definition. This definition makes it so that almost everything relating to humans and human culture is also religion. If everything is religion, then it follows as a logical conclusion that nothing is religion. It is generally accepted that in order to study a phenomenon you first have to define it or at least have a general understanding of what is included. If you include everything, it is impossible to develop any level of expertise. I’m much more inclined to use traditional definitions of religion that include some element of supernature (a Durkheimian derived definition).
The second point I found interesting in Chapter 2 was Wald’s use of social movements components (p. 27) in explaining religions’ involvement with politics (i.e., the Political Processes model of Sydney Tarrow, Power in Movement, 1999). Though the elements (incentives, resources, and opportunities) seem two work, there are two points to be made here. First, Wald should explain from where he is taking this idea. Second, I’m not certain categorizing religions as ‘social movements’ is accurate. In some scenarios religions may very well act in such a fashion, (e.g., political changes today). But at the same time, religion has been influential in politics and the structure of American society since its founding; America is a Judeo-Christian based society. A social movements framework doesn’t work all that well for explaining the early connection of religion with government and Wald fails to mention this.
Chapter 3
In light of my comments on Chapter 2 (that a social movements framework doesn’t adequately address all of the ways in which religion has influenced American society), I’m glad Wald included chapter 3. I have to admit I’m a little surprised by the order, though in a certain way it makes sense. I would think it would make more sense to go chronologically, illustrating how religion influenced our society from the beginning, then showing how religion continues to influence American society.
As for the contents of chapter 3, it is clearly presented and provides an important framework for understanding the foundations of the country. I also found chapter 3 particularly insightful when it commented on the specific content of early American documents (The Constitution and The Declaration of Independence). I have not read them for a long time and illustrating the connections between Puritan theology and the make up of these documents was fascinating.
I also found Wald’s discussion of the negative view of politics rooted in Puritan thought (a necessary evil) insightful. For a long time (I was raised Mormon), I considered government to be that same ‘necessary evil.’ As a secular agnostic, I see government as necessary, but in no means evil. Are politicians corrupt? Why, certainly some are, but they provide a necessary service. And considering they do it in light of the negative view of politics in America, I think they should be appreciated rather than denigrated. Of course that appreciation does not equate with ‘worship’ (and even ‘admired’ might go a bit far at times), but they do deserve to be respected.
Chapter 4
I enjoyed this chapter, though I found part of it disturbing. The reason I enjoyed the chapter was because of the detailed historical discussion of what was meant by the ‘separation of church and state.’ It seems there are a lot of claims from the pro-religious and the anti-religious that the founders had one or the other aim in mind. Perhaps Wald belongs to one or the other of these camps, but I believe his treatment of the intentions of the founders was primarily objective, based upon the scholarship that went into his discussion. As a result, I came away with a clearer understanding of what was meant by the First Amendment in the Bill of Rights, though there is obviously still room for debate.
The continued debate is what I found disturbing. It seems that the Supreme Court, for quite a while, approached the relationship between church and state from a separationist stance. However, according to Wald, the Supreme Court now seems to be dominated by a more accommodationist stance, resulting in, as Wald puts it, “religious minorities [having] even narrower grounds to challenge policies in the name of free exercise” (p. 110). As a religious minority, I can’t help but personalize this issue and wonder just how much the accommodationist stance will affect my religious/a-religious rights.
Chapter 5
This chapter was very informative. Wald discussed a number of things with which I am not familiar. For instance, on p. 136 he says, “As expected, the greater the concentration of theologically conservative religious groups, the more conservative the voting habits of the district’s representative in Congress. This research suggests a significant impact on the legislative process.” Though I wasn’t particularly surprised by this finding, as it makes sense, I did find it interesting. I had never really put the two ideas together (representative voting behavior and religiosity of the constituents). But even this finding is complicated by another point discussed later in the chapter, namely the fact that a politician’s denominational affiliation did not necessarily mandate his/her political party affiliation. In order to predict this, you need more information, namely, whether the politician interprets his/her religious views from a socially progressive perspective, which equals a Democrat, or from a pro-individual perspective (or individualistic perspective, as argued by Emerson and Smith in Divided by Faith), which equals a Republican. This is another point I had not previously considered.
In addition to being surprised by some of the findings of current research, I was also shocked by the actions of our current President in his position as Governor of Texas. On p. 148, Wald describes how George W. Bush reduced the requirements for faith-based charitable organizations to qualify for public funds. The reduced restrictions included: no longer having to follow state health and safety regulations, no extensive training, and no criminal background checks. I find that scary. It seems, also, that attempts have been made to enact similar legislation at the national level, which is even more disturbing.
Chapter 6
I found two things interesting in this chapter. First, Wald argues against the idea of a ‘culture war,’ or a battle between religious groups, “My reading of the statistical material in this chapter raises substantial doubts about the value of the “culture war” hypothesis in terms of mass attitudes” (p. 174). He provides substantial evidence that indicates the positions of adherents of religious denominations varies within the denominations and also varies depending on the issues (e.g., Catholic leadership is socially progressive on most issues but is conservative on abortion and euthanasia). I think Wald is right; there is now more variation within denominations than between most denominations (there are exceptions, of course, but as a general rule…).
The second point I found interesting was an assertion made by Wald that I am sure a number of prominent scholars of Mormonism (who also happen to be Mormons) would consider inaccurate. Wald says, “In excommunicating a supporter of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) for disobedience, the elders of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (the Mormons) surpassed other groups in enforcing compliance with political doctrine as a condition for church membership” (p. 182). Though I would agree with Wald’s assertion, individuals like Armand Mauss would argue that Sonia Johnson (the person to whom Wald is referring), was excommunicated for reasons other than her particular view on the ERA. And, in fact, there were other issues involved, like her direct criticism of the Church’s involvement in defeating the ERA (not just the fact that she was supportive of the ERA). I point this out because a paper of mine was corrected for a similar assertion. I had claimed that the LDS Church reprimanded scholars. Mauss, the person correcting my assertion, pointed out that the LDS Church doesn’t reprimand scholars just for doing research but for what they do with that research (e.g., criticize). It’s a subtle distinction, but for him (a devoted, though questioning, believer), it is an important one nonetheless.
Chapter 7
I think the thing I found most interesting about the chapter was the fact that, despite all of the hype and attention evangelical Protestants have received since about 1980, they have not been particularly successful at achieving their aims. According to Aikman, “After 18 years of intense political activity, the Religious Right has failed in many of its cherished political and cultural objectives – from banning abortion to combating the widespread acceptance of homosexuality” (p. 240). I found this surprising due to the attention they continue to receive, which seems to indicate they have been successful. Of course, I’m sure they have been to some degree (perhaps more at the local level; as Wald indicates they have changed their focus from the national level to the local level), but I would have thought their influence would have been more profound considering how often they are mentioned both in the media and the social scientific literature on religion and religion and politics.
The other component of chapter seven I found particularly interesting was the historical treatment of evangelical Protestants. I was not aware that evangelical Protestants had been heavily involved with politics in the early 1920s and 1930s. I did find Wald’s discussion of their involvement informative especially considering they dropped out of the political arena for a number of years. Overall, the chapter was very informative and was also a thorough treatment of the involvement of evangelical Protestants in politics in the U.S.
Chapter 8
The first thing I found interesting about Chapter 8 was what Wald included in the chapter. Whereas Chapter 7 focused exclusively on evangelical Protestants, Chapter 8 talked about all of the remaining broad religious groupings involved in U.S. politics – Catholics, mainline Protestants, African-American religions, and Jews. Does Wald’s relegation of these four groups represent the respective influences of the groups on politics or does it represent the focus of political science research? Of course, by raising this point I don’t mean to indicate that I believe the groups discussed in Chapter 8 were short-shrifted. In fact, I thought the treatment of all of the groups was informative (though by no means as detailed as that of evangelical Protestants).
The second element of Chapter 8 I found interesting was the discussion of mainline Protestants. I think my interest in mainline Protestants is because this group seems to receive the least amount of attention in the social science of religion literature these days. Most of the research seems to focus on evangelicals, New Religious Movements, African-Americans, or Catholics. Perhaps mainline Protestants did receive the majority of attention 30+ years ago, but if that is the case, I am much less likely to come into contact with that literature and research. This, in turn, means I am less likely to be familiar with the religions in that category as well as their involvement in politics. Additionally, because Wald’s treatment is so short, he glosses over their involvement in politics prior to the 1960s, alleging only that it was substantial. Admittedly, current political involvement is of optimum relevance to the majority of the students/people that will read this text, but for historians/researchers of religion, a treatment of mainline Protestantism’s history and involvement with politics would have been nice.
On this topic, I think Wald’s conclusion concerning mainline Protestants was particularly insightful, “The mainline clergy seem to have ended up with the worst of both worlds: too action-oriented to suit the preferences of many congregants, and too conventional to maintain the faith of their young, affluent, well-educated constituents” (p. 275). There is definitely some merit to this conclusion, especially considering the exodus of adherents out of these religions and into either more conservative religions or into the ‘no religion’ category.
Chapter 9
The initial part of Chapter 9 really lays into religion. Wald doesn’t beat around the bush much as he points out how religion can be detrimental to politics, specifically a democratic system. Of course he limits his discussion (or at the very least, narrows the scope somewhat) to fundamentalists (of any type – Muslim, Protestant, etc.) and goes into a lot of depth to illustrate that their approach to politics can hurt a democratic system because of they’re unwillingness to compromise. For them, ‘God said it, so that’s the way it’s going to have to be;’ there doesn’t seem to be any middle ground; any thing short of God’s will is unacceptable. I don’t think I had made the explicit connections between the inability of fundamentalists to compromise and the negative influence it would have on democracy, so, this part was insightful.
But the second part of the chapter was both unconvincing and disappointing. While the first part of the chapter had numerous references and seemed to be justified by previous research, Wald’s assertions that certain forms of religious adherence can actually be beneficial for a political system seemed to be a combination of two things: (1) Wald’s opinion with very few references to back it up. (2) An attempt to appease the publisher of his book who knows that if he only discusses the detrimental influences of religion that the book will never sell in the U.S. Sure, I can see Wald’s point – for some people and in some situations, religion can actually help people against an oppressive state (Poland comes to mind here). But in a pluralist, representative democracy, I’m not sure I can see the relevance. I wonder what Wald really thinks about religion…